In an era where US-China tensions run high but full decoupling is unfeasible, Washington must seek new low-cost diplomatic tools.
One such tool may lie in an unexpected domain: Taiwan’s internal cultural policies. Specifically, the island’s ongoing de-sinicization campaign—while locally motivated—has inadvertently become a geopolitical irritant, escalating Beijing’s threat perception.
This article proposes that the US quietly explore the recalibration of Taiwan’s de-Sinicization policies as a symbolic, non-security concession in broader negotiations with Beijing. Such a move could provide a controlled way to reduce tensions while preserving America’s core commitments to Taiwan’s security and democracy.
Since the early 2000s, Taiwan has taken deliberate steps to shift its cultural identity away from China. Curriculum changes, altered national symbols, and linguistic prioritization form part of a longer campaign to assert a distinct Taiwanese identity.
While understandable domestically, these measures have consistently provoked sharp reactions from Beijing, feeding its narrative of Taiwan’s irreversible drift toward independence.
For the United States, de-Sinicization poses a strategic paradox. On the one hand, it reflects democratic agency. On the other, it may undercut regional stability by giving Beijing a perceived justification to escalate.
Importantly, Taiwan’s cultural trajectory does not directly impact US national security priorities such as freedom of navigation, semiconductor supply chains or military deterrence.
Therefore, Washington could — discreetly — signal to Taipei that a soft pause or reframing of the de-Sinicization drive could serve broader strategic goals. This could manifest as a period of “consolidation” rather than reversal, buying time to focus on national resilience, defense and external alignment.
Such a move would not require a formal public endorsement. Instead, it could surface through Track II dialogues, think tank publications or behind-the-scenes diplomatic conversations. Allies like Japan or South Korea could reinforce this approach by advocating for cultural moderation as a path to regional confidence-building.
This approach offers several advantages. It provides the US a symbolic concession to offer in potential high-level US-China discussions without undermining core deterrence postures. It demonstrates to Beijing that the US-Taiwan relationship is not driven by ideological maximalism.
And it reinforces Washington’s image as a responsible power seeking balance, not confrontation, in the Indo-Pacific.
Public emotion variable
While most Western observers tend to focus on the Chinese government’s calculated use of nationalism, what is often overlooked is that the Chinese state itself is restrained by popular nationalist sentiment, especially on issues like Taiwan.
On matters of cultural sovereignty and national unity, it is often the Chinese public—not the leadership—that demands hardline responses. This dynamic creates a powerful incentive for Beijing to avoid appearing “weak” in the face of perceived provocations, even when the government itself may prefer strategic patience.
In this context, Taiwan’s highly visible cultural distancing from China—through language reforms, educational shifts, and symbolic removals—acts as a flashpoint that fuels public anger more than elite strategic concern.
Therefore, if Taiwan were to partially moderate or reframe its de-Sinicization policies—emphasizing cultural heritage, continuity or mutual historical roots—it could significantly lower emotional hostility among the Chinese populace. Such a change would reduce the pressure on Beijing to escalate or retaliate and empower more flexible policy responses.
For Washington, this presents a critical window: by encouraging symbolic de-escalation in the cultural sphere, the US can indirectly calm Chinese domestic sentiment, giving the central leadership more room to maneuver diplomatically without being seen as capitulating.
In short, strategic signaling toward Beijing doesn’t only happen through naval deployments or economic tools—it can also take shape in how narratives of culture and identity are modulated.
By understanding and leveraging the emotional logic of Chinese public nationalism, Washington may gain more influence in managing the Taiwan issue than through deterrence alone.
L. Y. Chu is a retired engineer and independent analyst focused on cross-strait relations, US-China strategy and the role of cultural signaling in geopolitical competition.